The discovery of the Mystery G30S/PKI

After waiting for four decades, finally was published a book that reveals the mystery of the events September 30 Movement. Excuse Massacre: September 30th Movement and Suharto's Coup, a translation of the book Pretext for Mass Murder by John Roosa.

Confusion has lasted so long because the New Order regime's history and nurture its monopoly for years. Another version, as written by Ben Anderson and his colleagues (then known as the Cornell Paper), which assumes that the internal problems the Army (Army), was banned and its author banned entered Indonesia. The debate about the September 30th Movement forbidden, even business ISAI (Institute of Studies on Free Flow of Information) published a thin book about each version of the September 30th Movement was propped Attorney General in 1995.

In such an atmosphere, when Suharto fell, the rise in ground water of (translated) essay about the September 30th Movement since 1998. Analysis provided diverse, ranging from creeping coup (Saskia Wieringa, Peter Dale Scott, Subandrio) up to an intentional coup to fail as it is written Coen Hotzappel.

Indeed there are many groups that benefit from the failure of the coup, but whether the parties agreed to design the event with the scenario is such a neat and everything goes as expected they? Apparently not.

However, each theory has a weakness. If it is mentioned that the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) as a whole rebellion, why are three million members of this party did not take the fight when it hunted down and killed after the movement was erupting? Why is the third largest communist party in the world when it was so easy dirontokkan?

Analysis of the mentions that it was an internal issue of the Army is also unsatisfactory because the problem is not that simple. Is not Syria and Pono also involved? Meanwhile, Sukarno's version as the mastermind was also in doubt. When the president was fully aware of this action plan before, why he circled the city before heading to an air base on October 1, 1965? Why not just the President of the House of Ratna Sari Dewi Yaso residence (now the Museum Satria Mandala at Jalan Gatot Subroto) toward Halim Perdanakusuma?

Similarly, Soeharto was not too "genius" to be able to design a systematic struggle for power. Still need to be further investigated how far the Suharto knew the plan as submitted Colonel Latif in the meeting the previous night at the Army Hospital Gatot Subroto.

United States (U.S.) not to interfere on September 30 and October 1, 1965, in spite of various documents mention their involvement before and after these bloody events. For the U.S. government at that time, when Indonesia with a population of fourth or fifth-largest in the world with abundant natural resources and its strategic position, fell into the hands of communists, it means that there has been an end.

Research conducted by John Roosa use the archive as a whole rarely reviewed so far, such as Supardjo documents, the writings of Muhammad Munir and Iskandar Subekti stored in Amsterdam, an interview with the CPI figures such as "Hasan" who requested her identity be kept secret until he died.

Muhammad Munir is a member of the Politburo, and Iskandar Subekti PKI is the clerk of the PKI Politburo, who on October 1, 1965 typed announcements issued September 30 Movement. As for "Hasan" is considered a logical position to know of special Bureau. "Hasan" itself was written memoirs that have been submitted to the author of the book (John Roosa) that can be published after he died. In addition to important documents, as well as in-depth interviews with central figures had left the organization, the archives that originated from the U.S. State Department to help explain things.

Documents Supardjo considered quite legitimate-as a kind of accountability after the event, which was written when he was not caught. Several witnesses, including Lieutenant Colonel Atmodjo Air Heru, who are both in prison with Supardjo, acknowledging the existence of the letter. The family also agreed that information Supardjo ever delivered.

Documents show that the main weakness of the September 30th Movement is the absence of a single command. There are two groups of leaders, namely the military (Fortunately, Latief and Sudjono) and the Bureau of particular PKI (Syria, Pono, Bono with Aidit in the background). Syria holds the central role because he is in a liaison position between these two parties.

However, when this effort did not have the support of President Sukarno, and even asked to be stopped, then the confusion happened and the two groups broke out. The military wants to comply with the request of Sukarno, while the Bureau continues it special. This may explain why among the first public announcement by the second and third there is an interval of up to five hours. Something in the coup attempt was a big mistake. In the morning they announced that the President in a state of survivors. While the subsequent announcement in the day had changed drastically (the formation of the Revolutionary Council and the dissolution of the cabinet).

This book simplifies the complexities of the mystery with detective-style method. Readers are convinced that the key figure 30 September Movement, Syria Kamaruzzaman, not a double agent, let alone a triple agent, but a loyal servant Aidit since many years. Implementing PKI special bureau that was new was arrested in 1968 were executed in 1986. He was like a princess Scheherazade who delayed killing himself by telling the king a story every night, so it can survive for 1001 nights. Syria and survived more than 18 years with the recognition in 1001 authored.

Supardjo document reveals why the movement failed and could not be saved. Confusion between "rescue President Sukarno" and "attempted coup" by disbanding the cabinet described vividly. Long before the bloody incident, the U.S. has been thinking about and discussing all necessary measures to encourage the CPI to advance buzz, so it can be soundly beaten by the Army. And, Aidit was trapped. Because already knew before it happened, then-general Suharto was the most ready at the date of October 1, 1965 when everyone else is confused and panicky. Suharto's own name was not included in the list of officers who would be kidnapped.

As historian Hilmar Farid presented in this book launch in Yogyakarta, this work is credited with revealing that the September 30th Movement was more appropriately considered as an action (to kidnap seven generals and confronts the president), not as a movement. Because this event is an action group of people in Jakarta and Central Java which can be eradicated within a day or two.

However, this action (which later turned out to cause the deaths of six generals) and then by Suharto and his friends used as a pretext to eradicate the PKI to the roots, which in the field resulted in mass murder with the victims more than half a million inhabitants. If the generals who were kidnapped were caught alive, maybe the history of Indonesia would have been different. PKI masses will take to the streets and demanded that the generals were sacked. The President will be urged to provide department chairs to the left, because until 1965 Sukarno never entrust the leadership of the department to the communist leaders unless the Minister of State.

This book has a little weakness, like the writing of Captain Bambang Widjanarko (p. 116; should colonel) and Colonel H Maulwi Saelan (p. 57; in 1965 Saelan not yet made a pilgrimage). New Saelan perform pillars of Islam that the New Order era and led the Al Azhar Islamic School Foundation.

However, on the other hand, the book has many strengths. First, using documents that have been neglected, such as documents Supardjo, Iskandar pledoi Subekti and writings of Muhammad Munir. Second, Roosa successfully conduct in-depth interviews with the "Hasan", a character who knows the key to progress as a unit called the Bureau of particular PKI.

Third, the above sources with the United States archives that have been opened from time to time and become a powerful tool for analyzing history. Fourth, John Roosa successfully develop a new narrative that the September 30th Movement was not a movement, but rather an action that turned out to be an excuse for mass murder.

Fifth, efforts that have been made professor of history University of British Columbia, Canada, this led to debate about who the masterminds G30S was duly terminated. Should now shift the discussion about how the process of mass murder in 1965 it happened and why it took so many casualties. So, that questionable no longer "who masterminds G30S" but "who the mastermind behind the massacre in 1965?.

Excuse Book Massacre: September 30th Movement and Suharto's coup has succeeded in showing new data (several documents from inside and outside the country), the new methodology (to include oral history) and a new perspective (this is not a movement action, but then made the excuse for the events the next more powerful).